32、1984年民主党主旨演讲 ...
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1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
1984年民主党全国大会主旨演讲
delivered 16 July 1984, San Francisco, CA
Thank you very much.
On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.
让我代表伟大的帝国大厦和整个纽约大家庭，感谢你们能够在本次大会上发言。请允许我跳过这些故事和诗歌，以及用优美但模糊的修辞来处理的诱惑。相反，让我利用这个宝贵的机会立即处理决定这次选举的问题，我们都知道这些问题对美国人民至关重要。
Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The President said that he didn\'t understand that fear. He said, \"Why, this country is a shining city on a hill.\" And the President is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
十天前，里根总统承认，尽管现在这个国家的一些人似乎表现不错，但其他人对自己、家庭和未来感到不高兴，甚至担心。总统说他不理解这种恐惧。他说：“为什么，这个国家是一座山上的闪耀城市。”总统说得对。在许多方面，我们是一座山丘上的闪耀城市。
But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city\'s splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But there\'s another city; there\'s another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can\'t pay their mortgages, and most young people can\'t afford one; where students can\'t afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
但残酷的事实是，并不是每个人都能分享这座城市的辉煌和荣耀。总统从白宫的门廊和牧场的阳台上看到的也许只有一座闪亮的城市，那里的每个人似乎都过得很好。但还有另一座城市；闪耀着城市的另一部分；有些人付不起抵押贷款，而大多数年轻人也付不起；在那里，学生负担不起他们所需要的教育，中产阶级的父母看着他们为孩子所做的梦想破灭。
In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can\'t find it. Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn\'t show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don\'t see, in the places that you don\'t visit in your shining city.
在城市的这一部分，比以往任何时候都有更多的穷人，更多的家庭陷入困境，越来越多的人需要帮助但却找不到帮助。更糟糕的是：有老人在那里的房子地下室里发抖。还有人睡在城市的街道上，在阴沟里，那里没有闪光。在贫民区，成千上万的年轻人，没有工作或教育，每天都把自己的生命献给毒贩。总统先生，在你没有看到的脸上，在你闪耀的城市里你没有去过的地方，都有绝望。
In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a \"Tale of Two Cities\" than it is just a \"Shining City on a Hill.\"
事实上，总统先生，这是一个国家——总统先生，你应该知道，这个国家更像是一个“双城记”，而不是一个“山丘上的闪耀之城”。
Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn\'t afford to use.
也许，也许，总统先生，如果你访问了更多的地方；也许如果你去阿巴拉契亚，那里有些人仍然住在棚子里；如果你去拉卡万那，成千上万的失业钢铁工人想知道我们为什么补贴外国钢铁。也许——也许，总统先生，如果你在芝加哥的一个庇护所停下来，和那里的无家可归者交谈；也许，总统先生，如果你问一个女人，她被剥夺了养活孩子所需的帮助，因为你说你需要钱来给百万富翁减税，或者买一枚我们买不起的导弹。
Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President. But I\'m afraid not. Because the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. President Reagan told us from the very beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. \"Government can\'t do everything,\" we were told, so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class.
也许，也许，总统先生。但恐怕不行。因为事实是，女士们先生们，这就是我们被警告的方式。里根总统从一开始就告诉我们，他相信一种社会达尔文主义。适者生存有人告诉我们，“政府不能无所不能”，所以它应该满足于照顾强者，并希望经济野心和慈善事业能解决其余问题。让富人更富有，桌上的东西对中产阶级和那些拼命想进入中产阶级的人来说就足够了。
You know, the Republicans called it \"trickle-down\" when Hoover tried it. Now they call it \"supply side.\" But it\'s the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is stare from a distance at that city\'s glimmering towers.
你知道，当胡佛尝试时，共和党人称之为“涓涓细流”。现在，他们称之为“供给侧”。但对于那些幸运地生活在其良好社区的相对少数人来说，这是一座闪亮的城市。但对于那些被排斥在外的人，对于那些被锁在门外的人，他们所能做的就是从远处凝视着那座城市闪闪发光的塔楼。
It\'s an old story. It\'s as old as our history. The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. \"The strong\" -- \"The strong,\" they tell us, \"will inherit the land.\"
这是一个古老的故事。它和我们的历史一样古老。民主党人和共和党人之间的差异总是以勇气和信心来衡量的。共和党人——共和党人相信，除非一些老年人、一些年轻人和一些弱者被留在路边，否则马车将无法到达边境。“强者”——“强者，”他们告诉我们，“将继承土地。”
We Democrats believe in something else. We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once. Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America. For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. And it would be wrong to forget that.
我们民主党人相信其他东西。我们民主党人相信，我们可以在整个家庭完好无损的情况下一路前行，而且我们不止一次。自从富兰克林·罗斯福（Franklin Roosevelt）从轮椅上站起来，把这个国家从一辆接一辆的马车上抬到教育、住房和和平的新前沿；全家人都在船上，不断伸出援手扩大家庭；在路上把他们抬上马车；黑人和西班牙裔，每个种族的人，以及土著美国人——所有那些努力建立自己的家庭并要求美国的一小部分份额的人。近50年来，我们把他们带到了舒适、安全、尊严甚至富裕的新水平。请记住，今天在座的一些人之所以来到这里，仅仅是因为这个国家有这样的信心。忘记这一点是错误的。
So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.
因此，我们在这个大会上提醒自己，我们来自哪里，并为我们自己和我们的孩子宣布未来。今天，我们伟大的民主党拯救了这个国家，使其免于萧条、法西斯主义、种族主义和腐败，我们呼吁它再次这样做——这一次是为了使这个国家免于混乱和分裂，免于最终财政灾难的威胁，最重要的是免于核灾难的恐惧。
That\'s not going to be easy. Mo Udall is exactly right -- it won\'t be easy. And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent\'s polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.
这不容易。莫·乌达尔是对的——这不容易。为了取得成功，我们必须用更能说明问题的合理性和合理性来回应对手精雕细琢、吸引人的言辞。
We must win this case on the merits. We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship to the reality, the hard substance of things. And we\'ll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses. We must make -- We must make the American people hear our \"Tale of Two Cities.\" We must convince them that we don\'t have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.
我们必须根据案情胜诉。我们必须让美国公众超越炫耀，超越表演者，看到现实，看到事情的实质。我们要做的，与其说是好的演讲，不如说是好和好的演讲；与其说是让人们站起来的演讲，不如说是让人清醒过来的演讲。我们必须——我们必须让美国人民听到我们的“双城故事”。我们必须让他们相信，我们不必满足于两座城市，我们可以拥有一座不可分割的城市，为所有的人而发光。
Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. If that\'s what\'s heard throughout the campaign, dissident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our message. To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out. We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.
现在，如果这次会议的结果是一片争论的声音，我们将没有机会这样做。如果这是整个竞选过程中听到的，来自各方的异议声音，我们将没有机会传达我们的信息。为了取得成功，我们必须放弃我们个人利益的一小部分，建立一个平台，让我们所有人都能立即、舒适地站在这个平台上——自豪地高唱。我们需要——我们需要一个大家都能同意的平台，这样我们就可以齐声为全国人民唱出真相，让他们听到它的逻辑如此清晰和威严，以至于没有华丽的麦迪逊大道广告，没有多少亲切，没有任何军事音乐能够掩盖真相的声音。
And we Democrats must unite. We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans won\'t bring this country together. Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.
我们民主党人必须团结起来。我们民主党人必须团结起来，这样整个国家才能团结起来，因为共和党人肯定不会把这个国家团结起来。他们的政策将国家分为幸运者和左撇子，分为皇室成员和乌合之众。共和党人愿意将这种分歧视为胜利。他们会将这个国家一分为二，分为暂时富裕的国家和比以前更糟糕的国家，他们会称之为分裂复苏。
Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Essex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle class -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. White collar and blue collar. Young professionals. Men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.
现在，我们不应该——如果统一的过程是困难的，甚至有时是痛苦的，我们不应感到尴尬、沮丧或懊恼。请记住，与任何其他政党不同，我们拥抱不同肤色、不同信仰、不同取向、不同经济阶层的男女。从纽约埃塞克斯郡的赤贫到美国两端黄金海岸的开明富裕，我们家里的每个人都聚集在一起。介于两者之间的是我们选区的核心——中产阶级，他们没有足够的财富让他们无忧无虑，但也没有足够的贫困让他们享受福利；中产阶级——那些为了生计而工作的人，因为他们不得不这样做，而不是因为一些精神科医生告诉他们，这是一种方便的方式来填补出生和永恒之间的间隔。白领和蓝领。年轻的专业人士。小企业中的男性和女性都渴望获得证明自己价值所需的资本和合同。
We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America. We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule \"thou shalt not sin against equality,\" a rule so simple --
我们为尚未进入主流的少数民族说话。我们代表那些希望将自己的文化融入美国这一壮丽拼图的民族。我们为那些对这个国家拒绝将“你不应违背平等”这一简单规则写入政府命令感到愤怒的女性说话--
I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will. It\'s a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A.
我正要说，也许我不敢，但我会的。这是一条非常简单的命令，可以用三个字母拼写：E.R.a。
We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future. We speak for senior citizens. We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security, is being threatened. We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. They refuse. They refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.
我们为要求教育和未来的年轻人说话。我们为老年人说话。我们为那些被他们唯一的安全保障——社会保障——受到威胁的老年人说话。我们代表数百万为保护我们的环境免受贪婪和愚蠢之害而奋斗的理性人士。我们为理智的人说话，他们正在为保护我们的生存而斗争，因为他们拒绝做出明智的尝试，与我们的敌人讨论核毁灭的可能性。他们拒绝了。他们拒绝了，因为他们相信我们可以把导弹堆得很高，它们会穿透云层，看到它们会吓到我们的敌人屈服。
Now we\'re proud of this diversity as Democrats. We\'re grateful for it. We don\'t have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. But we, while we\'re proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it. The different people that we represent have different points of view. And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. That\'s what our primaries were all about. But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together.
现在，作为民主党人，我们为这种多样性感到自豪。我们对此表示感谢。我们不必像共和党人下个月在达拉斯那样，在大会上支撑模特代表。但我们，虽然我们为这种多样性感到自豪，但我们为此付出了代价。我们所代表的不同的人有不同的观点。有时他们会竞争，甚至辩论，甚至争论。这就是我们初选的目的。但现在，初选已经结束，当我们在这里挑选候选人和我们的政纲时，是时候团结起来，共同进入这场竞选。
If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980. Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not he\'s fulfilled the promises he made four years ago. I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he\'s done.
如果你需要更多的灵感来抛开自己的一小部分分歧来达成共识，那么你所需要做的就是反思自1980年以来共和党的分裂和哄骗政策对这片土地做了什么。现在，总统要求美国人民对他是否履行了四年前的承诺进行评判。我认为，作为民主党人，我们应该接受这一挑战。让我们考虑一下他说了什么，做了什么。
Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President. Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a recession, the worst since 1932. Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way. How did he do it? 55,000 bankruptcies; two years of massive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at any time since the Great Depression in 1932; more hungry, in this world of enormous affluence, the United States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women. And -- And he paid one other thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.
通货膨胀——自1980年以来，通货膨胀率一直在下降，但这并不是因为总统向我们承诺的供给奇迹。通货膨胀是以老式的方式降低的：经济衰退，是1932年以来最严重的一次。现在，我们——我们本可以这样降低通货膨胀。他是怎么做到的？55000起破产；两年的大规模失业；20万农民和牧场主被迫离开土地；无家可归的人比1932年大萧条以来的任何时候都多；在这个富足的世界上，美国更加饥饿；更多的穷人，大多数是女性。他还付出了另一件事，将近2000亿美元的赤字威胁着我们的未来。
Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don\'t. The President\'s deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983. How large is it? The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe. It -- President Carter\'s last budget had a deficit less than one-third of this deficit. It is a deficit that, according to the President\'s own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for \"as far as the eye can see.\" And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest. It is a mortgage on our children\'s future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.
现在，我们必须让美国人民理解这一赤字，因为他们没有。总统的赤字是对他在1980年承诺到1983年平衡预算的直接和戏剧性的否定。赤字有多大？这是宇宙历史上最大的赤字。卡特总统的上一份预算赤字不到赤字的三分之一。根据总统自己的财政顾问的说法，这是一个赤字，每年可能会增长到3000亿美元，“据我们所见”。女士们，先生们，这是个巨大的债务，几乎是我们每年从个人所得税中收取的钱的一半，用于支付利息。这是我们孩子未来的抵押贷款，只能在痛苦中偿还，这可能会让这个国家屈服。
Now don\'t take my word for it -- I\'m a Democrat. Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. You see, if they\'re not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they\'ll say that they\'re appalled and frightened by the President\'s deficit. Ask them what they think of our economy, now that it\'s been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition. Now we\'re exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now. And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- you\'ll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.
现在不要相信我的话，我是民主党人。问问华尔街的共和党投资银行家们，他们认为经济复苏永久性的可能性有多大。你看，如果他们不太尴尬地告诉你真相，他们会说他们对总统的赤字感到震惊和恐惧。问问他们对我们的经济有何看法，因为美元的扭曲价值已经将我们的经济推回到了殖民地状态。现在我们出口农产品，进口制成品。问问那些共和党投资银行家，他们预计一年后的利率是多少。问问他们——如果他们敢于告诉你真相——你会从他们身上学到，因为赤字，他们预测一年后的通货膨胀率。
Now, how important is this question of the deficit. Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind? If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day? Of course not! That was an election won under false pretenses. It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. And that\'s the kind of recovery we have now as well.
现在，赤字问题有多重要。实事求是地想一想：如果这位共和党候选人在1980年告诉美国人民，他打算用破产、失业、无家可归、饥饿和人类所知的最大政府债务来支付所谓的经济复苏，他会有什么机会？如果他在1980年告诉选民这一事实，美国选民会在选举日为他签署贷款证书吗？当然不是！那是一场以虚假借口赢得的选举。它是用烟雾、镜子和幻觉赢得的。这也是我们现在的复苏。
But what about foreign policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer. They say they have. By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is excessive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies; by the loss of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.
但外交政策呢？他们说他们会让我们和整个世界更安全。他们说他们有。通过创造历史上最大的国防预算，即使是现在他们也承认这是过度的——将核军备竞赛升级为狂热；煽动性言论；拒绝与敌人讨论和平；在黎巴嫩，279名年轻美国人因追求一项无人能找到或描述的计划和政策而丧生。
We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel. Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we\'re lucky. And if we\'re not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.
我们给那些谋杀修女的拉丁美洲政府钱，然后我们撒谎。我们没有那么热心地支持我们唯一真正的朋友——在我看来，在中东——那里唯一的民主国家，我们的血肉盟友，以色列国。我们的——我们的政策——我们的外交政策没有真正的方向，只有歇斯底里地致力于一场毫无结果的军备竞赛——如果我们幸运的话。如果我们不这样做，它可能会导致我们破产或战争。
Of course we must have a strong defense! Of course Democrats are for a strong defense. Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight. And we have. Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear. Now they\'re not. Now our allies are as confused as our enemies. Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.
当然，我们必须有强大的防御！当然，民主党人支持强有力的防御。当然，民主党人相信，有时我们必须站起来战斗。我们有。我们成千上万的人为自由付出了生命。但是，当这个国家处于最佳状态时，我们的目标总是明确的。现在他们不是了。现在我们的盟友和敌人一样困惑。现在，我们对我们的朋友或我们的理想没有真正的承诺——不是对人权，不是对拒绝者，不是对萨哈罗夫，不是对图图主教和其他在南非争取自由的人。
We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington. How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better?
在过去的几年里，我们花了很多钱。我们捶胸顿足，发表了大胆的演讲。但我们在黎巴嫩失去了279名年轻美国人，我们生活在华盛顿的沙袋后面。谁能说我们更安全、更强大或更好？
That -- That is the Republican record. That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people I can only attribute to the President\'s amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.
这就是共和党的记录。美国人民并没有更充分地理解其灾难性的品质，我只能将其归因于总统的和蔼可亲以及一些人未能将推销员与产品区分开来。
And, now -- now -- now it\'s up to us. Now it\'s up to you and to me to make the case to America. And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. Unrestrained.
现在，现在，现在由我们决定。现在由你和我来向美国说明情况。为了提醒美国人，如果他们对总统迄今为止所做的一切感到不满意，他们应该考虑，如果总统再任由他的激进倾向肆无忌惮地生活四年，情况会变得多么糟糕。不受约束。
Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December? Where would -- Where would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the deficit be? How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the interest rates be? How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes?
现在，如果——如果七月——如果七月让安·戈萨·伯福德回来——我们对十二月有什么期待？再过四年我们会去哪里？再过四年我们会去哪里？赤字将增加多少？为了限制赤字，对挣扎中的中产阶级和穷人的计划削减力度有多大？利率会有多高？还有多少酸雨杀死了我们的森林，污染了我们的湖泊？
And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have?
女士们，先生们，请大家想想这个国家必须想想：我们会有什么样的最高法院？
Please. [beckons audience to settle down]
请[示意观众安静下来]
We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people\'s religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled. How high will we pile the missiles? How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people? This election will measure the record of the past four years. But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.
我们——我们必须扪心自问，一个信奉政府授权人民的宗教和道德的人将塑造什么样的法院和国家；相信树木污染环境的人；这个人认为，反对歧视人民的法律走得太远了；威胁社会保障和医疗补助以及帮助残疾人的人。我们要把导弹堆多高？我们和敌人之间的鸿沟会有多深？女士们先生们，再过四年，美国人民的精神会变得更加卑鄙吗？这次选举将衡量过去四年的记录。但更重要的是，它将回答我们想要成为什么样的人的问题。
We Democrats still have a dream. We still believe in this nation\'s future. And this is our answer to the question. This is our credo:
我们民主党人仍然有一个梦想。我们仍然相信这个国家的未来。这是我们对这个问题的回答。这是我们的信条：
We believe in only the government we need, but we insist on all the government we need.
我们只相信我们需要的政府，但我们坚持我们需要的所有政府。
We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn\'t distort or promise to do things that we know we can\'t do.
我们相信一个以公平和理性为特征的政府，一个超越标签的理性，不会扭曲或承诺做我们知道我们不能做的事情。
We believe in a government strong enough to use words like \"love\" and \"compassion\" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.
我们相信一个足够强大的政府，能够使用“爱”和“同情”等词语，并且足够聪明，能够将我们最崇高的愿望转化为现实。
We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.
我们相信鼓励有才华的人，但我们相信，尽管适者生存可能是进化过程的一个很好的工作描述，但人类政府应该把自己提升到更高的层次。
We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don\'t fully understand. We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the \"world\'s most sincere Democrat,\" St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.
我们——我们——我们的政府——我们的国家应该能够达到这样的水平，它可以填补偶然或我们不完全理解的智慧所留下的空白。我们宁愿让这座伟大城市的赞助人、被称为“世界上最真诚的民主党人”的阿西西圣弗朗西斯制定法律，也不愿让达尔文制定法律。
We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world\'s history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.
我们相信——作为民主党人，我们相信，一个像我们这样幸运的社会，一个世界历史上最富裕的民主国家，一个可以花费数万亿美元购买毁灭性武器的社会，应该能够帮助中产阶级进行斗争，应该能够为所有能做到这一点的人找到工作，为无家可归者提供住处，照顾老人和体弱者，为贫困者带来希望。我们尽可能大声地宣布核扩散的疯狂和核冻结的必要性，即使只是为了确认一个简单的事实：和平胜于战争，因为生命胜于死亡。
We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order.
我们相信坚定——我们相信坚定但公平的法律和秩序。
We believe proudly in the union movement.
我们自豪地相信工会运动。
We believe in a -- We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by government.
我们相信，我们相信，人们的隐私，政府的公开。
We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights.
我们相信公民权利，我们相信人权。
We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another\'s pain, sharing one another\'s blessings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation.
我们相信一个——我们相信一种比大多数教科书和我能写的任何演讲都能更好地描述一个真正的政府应该是什么的基本理念：家庭、相互关系、为所有人的利益分享利益和负担、感受彼此的痛苦、分享彼此的祝福——合理、诚实、公平、不分种族或性别，或地理或政治归属。
We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive and live decently is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.
我们相信我们必须是美国的大家庭，认识到问题的核心是我们彼此相连，德卢斯一位退休教师的问题是我们的问题；孩子的未来——布法罗孩子的未来就是我们的未来；波士顿一名残疾人为生存和体面生活而进行的斗争是我们的斗争；小石城一个女人的饥饿是我们的饥饿；我们在任何地方都未能提供合理的东西，以避免痛苦，这就是我们的失败。
Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: Roosevelt\'s alphabet programs; Truman\'s NATO and the GI Bill of Rights; Kennedy\'s intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progress; Johnson\'s civil rights; Carter\'s human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord.
50年来——50年来，我们民主党人为我们的孩子创造了一个更美好的未来，将传统的民主党原则作为固定的灯塔，给我们指明方向和目标，但不断创新，适应新的现实：罗斯福的字母表计划；杜鲁门的北约和《美国士兵权利法案》；肯尼迪的明智税收激励和进步联盟；约翰逊的民权；卡特的人权和几乎奇迹般的戴维营和平协议。
Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again. We can build a future that deals with our deficit. Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. And we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation\'s family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people. We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion.
民主党做到了——民主党做到了，民主党可以再次做到。我们可以建立一个应对赤字的未来。记住这一点，在我们的原则下，50年的进步从未让我们失去过去四年的停滞。我们可以通过共同的牺牲，明智地应对赤字，让全国家庭的所有成员都做出贡献，与私营部门建立伙伴关系，在不剥夺我们养育子女和照顾人民所需的资源的情况下提供良好的防御。通过结合常识和同情心，我们可以拥有一个为现在所有年轻人提供服务的未来。
We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980. And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.
我们知道我们可以做到，因为我们在1980年之前做了将近50年。如果我们不忘记，如果我们不忘，整个国家都从这些进步原则中受益；他们帮助提升了一代又一代的中产阶级和更高阶层；他们给了我们工作、上大学、养家糊口、拥有房子、晚年安稳的机会，在那之前，我们有机会达到父母不敢梦想的高度。
That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. And it\'s a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didn\'t read in a book, or learn in a classroom. I saw it and lived it, like many of you. I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example. I learned about our kind of democracy from my father. And I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. This nation and this nation\'s government did that for them.
这场有尊严的生活斗争是这座闪耀城市的真实故事。女士们先生们，这是一个故事，我没有在书中读过，也没有在课堂上学到。我看到了它，也过着它，就像你们许多人一样。我看到一个双手长着厚厚老茧的小个子男人每天工作15到16个小时。有一次，我看到他真的从脚底流下了血，一个没有受过教育，独自一人来到这里，不会说这种语言的人，他通过他简单的口才，教会了我所有关于信仰和努力工作的知识。我从父亲那里学到了我们的民主。我从他和我母亲那里了解到我们对彼此的义务。他们只要求有一个工作的机会，让孩子们的世界变得更美好，他们——他们要求在那些无法保护自己的时刻得到保护。这个国家和这个国家的政府为他们做了这些。
And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.
他们能够建立一个家庭，过上有尊严的生活，看到他们的一个孩子从他们在南牙买加的小杂货店后面走到他出生的地方，在这个最伟大的国家，在这个我们所知道的唯一的世界里，占据最高的席位，这是对民主进程的一种无法形容的美丽致敬。
And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale. We will have a new President of the United States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. And we will have America\'s first woman Vice President, the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the United States.
女士们，先生们，1985年1月20日，这将再次发生，只是规模更大。我们将有一位新的美国总统，一位不是由国王的血，而是由拓荒者和移民的血而生的民主党人。我们将迎来美国第一位女性副总统，移民的孩子，她——她——她将以一个壮丽的笔触开启美国的新边疆。
Now, it will happen. It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen. And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built.
现在，这将发生。如果我们让它发生，它就会发生；如果你和我能做到。女士们，先生们，兄弟姐妹们，为了我们所有人的利益，为了这个伟大国家的爱，为了美国的家庭，为了上帝的爱：请让这个国家记住未来是如何建立的。
Thank you and God bless you.
谢谢你，上帝保佑你。
作者有话说第32章 1984年民主党主旨演讲
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